PURSE CAUNDLE HISTORY - CHAPTER 4: MEDIEVAL PURSE CAUNDLE 1154-1485

To further quote Robert Smith, the chairman of the Manorial Society:

'In the High Middle Ages of the 12th century, a Lord could simply say: "It is my will", and there is no better basis for prestige than this. Indeed, the great "nobles" of the period expressed their power through the number of Manors they held: many becoming barons by tenure and, by the reign of Edward I (1272-1307), barons by writ of summons to Parliament.

'Throughout the Middle Ages, the English nobility was a caste whose power was based on the ownership of land through the Manor. Their peerages, unlike those on the continent, were purely honorific and they lost them if they lost their landed status.

'Nothing is immutable and in time the powers of the Lord were diminished. For example, no self-respecting King of England could permit any other than his own appointed officials to have power of life and death over the King's subjects. From the reign of Henry II (1154-1189), the royal itinerant justices fought a long battle with the Lord of the Manor over his powers of criminal jurisdiction. Of course the kings eventually won. . .

'At the economic level, the medieval period saw changes. A substantial increase in the population in the 13th century meant that the irksome duty of week-work from a reluctant peasantry became increasingly unproductive. [Although] Agricultural science [as such] did not improve until the 18th century, . . . [but] much land that had been waste at Domesday was being taken under the plough by the 14th century.

'The result was the evolution of paid labourers (men no longer tied to the land through the Lordship and importantly, "free" in a manner of speaking), and the reclamation (assarting) of waste which was granted out by Lords on very favourable terms to people who became copyholders, effectively freeholders who held title to their land by copy of the manorial court roll in return for a half-yearly rent payable at the Lord's court. The customary tenants gradually benefitted from this process and became copyholders.

'Although frequently strict in the application of their manorial rights, the Church, the largest landowner, tended to be a revolutionizing institution: its priesthood, right up to the highest prelates, originating in the vast majority of cases from the peasantry.

'General rights [of the Lord of the Manor] were the copyhold income from the peasantry, manorial waste, common land, the profits of justice in the manorial court, heriots (payment of "the best beast or chattel") on death and inheritance, murage and scutage (a "tax" for self-defence), pontage (a "tax" for bridge repair), mineral excavation rights, and many others.

'It is easy to judge, from this plethora [of] rights, how important the Lord of the Manor was, not only socially, but economically.'

With the Manor(s) of Purse Caundle being under monastic ownership, it would be natural to suppose that the subject of 'life and death' enforcement would not be a worry for the inhabitants. But monasterial Lordship rights were definitely guarded, and enforced, as will be seen in APPENDIX A. The wealth of monastic orders had as early as the first years of the 12th century been observed to have produced an outlook among abbots and abbesses which was the reverse of the poverty, chastity, and obedience prescribed in their vows, to be later satirised by Chaucer in the 14th century. The most efficient landlords were the great monasteries. Under the lord's bailiff was a peasant reeve - analgous to a foreman.
In his article in DNHAS Vol. 87, 1965, C. C. Taylor said that much of this area until a relatively late date, must have been heavily forested, for much of the area was within the Royal Forest of Blackmoor until 1300. '. . . establishment of farms and small hamlets beyond the villages' open fields in area of forest or "waste" gradually assarted or cleared for cultivation. It is difficult or impossible to know the date of these assarts or purprestures, but most probably took place between 1086-1350, a period generally accepted as one of population growth, and thus expansion of the area of cultivated land. The fact that the Royal Forest of Blackmoor, which covered most of the Vale of Blackmoor, was in 1300 reduced to within the present parish of Hermitage indicates perhaps that the clearance of woodland and the establishment of new settlements were well advanced by then. In addition, many of the outlying farms, in the parishes lying within the forest before 1300, are first recorded in the 12th-14th centuries, indicating that these settlements were established at this period. Finally, there is conclusive documentary evidence of extensive clearing of the forest for cultivation.' The first found post-Domesday document relating specifically to land at the place to be known as Purse Caundle is dated 1240/1 - see below.
As well as Athelney Abbey (some 23 miles north-west of Purse Caundle), Shaftesbury Abbey (11 miles north-east of Purse Caundle0 had also been founded by King Alfred in A.D. 888, as a house for Benedictine nuns - see APPENDIX A1. Hutchins was of the opinion that there were apparently at some time either to be two manors at Purse Caundle, or Athelney's manor plus a moiety belonging to Shaftesbury. But the evidence seems to be of the former situation. These two elements were to be united in 1545, following the earlier Dissolution of the Monasteries. For a somewhat clearer picture again see APPENDIX A1. 1154, 19th December, accession of Henry II as king, and beginning of the Plantagenet era. There was a King's house at Gillingham in north Dorset before 1160 (Pipe Rolls), and was a favourite Royal residence for Henry II, where he could go hunting in Blackmoor Vale.
It perhaps needs to be determined exactly what were the bounds of the Royal Forest of Blackmoor at this time. Hutchins said that it comprised 'the whole hundreds of Brownshall [which included part of Caundle] and Buckland Abbas, the greatest part of Sherborne [which included the rest of Caundle] and Whiteway, and some part of Pimperne, Tollerford, and Yetminster hundreds. It derives its name, either from the nature of its soil, a deep, strong, and black clay, or from the dark aspect of its woods, and its moist and moorish situation. It is well watered by abundance of little rivulets, is very fertile, and consists chiefly of pasture for cattle and dairies. . . In former times it was full of wood, which is now much thinned.'
Several surveys or perambulations of the Forest were taken, probably firstly taking place waerly in the reign of Henry II (1154-1189). There were similar ones carried out in the reigns of King John (1199-1216), Henry III (1216-1272), and Edward I (1272-1307). At the latter time the bounds seemed to be: '. . . which same forest for the greater part was deafforested in the time of [Henry II], . . . and the aforesaid forest extendeth itself [along the northern boundary] . . . from the town of Hengstredge towards the west to the town of Caundell Porse, and from the same town of Caundell Porse unto the town of Heydon, . . .' Soon after this time the various Lord of the Manors contained therein enclosed their lands with quick hedges (vivis haiis), though allowing woods, moors, marshes, heathlands, pastures to be common for the use of tenants, their beasts and cattle. In the survey of 28 Edward I (1300/1) 'The jurors say, That the woods within the said bounds were contained in the lordships of King John, and afforested in his time . . . [containing the villates of Caundel Purse and Candle Haddon, with the woods; . . .' It would appear that Purse Caundle was considered just within the bounds of the Forest of Blackmoor, though not necessarily within the Blackmoor Vale. Leland in his Itinerary (of his 1530-1550 travels) also included 'The Bounds of the Forest of Blackmore'. Assuming both the abbot of Athelney and the abbess of Shaftesbury took part in this, the landscape of this part of Dorset was accordingly changed for ever, and is more or less basically the same some 700 years later - though some fields have become amalgamated.






During the medieval period silver penny coins continued to be cut in half to make halfpennies. Illustrated are two real such halfpennies of Henry II, which were also to be used during the reigns of Richard I and John.






1166 In the Red Book of The Exchequer is the entry:
'WILTESCIRA CARTA EPISCOPI SARRISBIRIENSIS Hii sunt milites de Episcopo Sarrisbiriensis tenentes et antiquitus feffati:- Radulfus de Candele, j militem'.
'WILTSHIRE CHARTER OF THE BISHOP OF SALISBURY These are the knights holding of the Bishop of Salisbury and enfeoffed of old:- Ralph of Caundle, 1 knight'.
In other words, Ralph, who lived somewhere in Caundle, by virtue of holding land from the Bishop of Salisbury was anciently obliged to provide a fighting man when required.
1189, 6th July, accession of Richard I as king. It was from this date that written titles for tenure by charter among tenants-in-chief became necessary. Thus was the beginning of bureaucracy, as before this time jurors at inquisitions post mortem, etc, had to rely just on memory and reminiscences of the local inhabitants.
1192 Just before Christmas, King Richard, whilst fighting on the continent, was captured by the Austrians.
1193 In March King Richard was eventually put up for a ransom of 150,00 marks, equivalent to some 34 tons of silver - perhaps equal to some £55,000,000 in modern times. After the English had been heavily taxed enough to raise two-thirds of this sum, Richard was released in early 1194. Several ransom fines were to be delayed, or not even paid.
1198. A carucage tax was imposed on every plough team to finance King Richard's war in Normandy. Leases were written twice on the same piece of parchment, and then cut along in a wavy line with one copy going to each party. Hence the name 'Indentures', with the intention being that in any dispute re. forgery, the two halves could be accurately matched up.
Around this time Dorset was already famed for its corn and sheep. The cost of a cow, ox and sow were each three shillings (c.£80 in 2008), a sheep 16 pence (c.£35), £3.6s.4d (c.£2,000) for a good saddle-horse, and ten shillings (c.£275) for a plough.
1199, 27th May (Ascension Day). King John came to the throne on the death of his absent brother Richard I who had been fighting the French in France. Richard had earlier given his brother the royal revenues from several counties, including Dorset. Early medieval kings u8sed to move around England, where they continued to undertake their formal kingly business, and build many residences around the country. Gillingham in Dorset was particularly favoured because it had a Royal Park and Forest which provided a ready supply of deer for food, hunting, and gifts to reward loyal courtiers. According to the Pipe Rolls, King John was several times in and about the Blackmore Vale, presumably hunting. Gillingham Royal Forest was already established as a royal hunting area, where he rebuilt an earlier fortified hunting lodge at Gillingham, for which a tax was levied in Dorset and Somerset. The remains of this lodge are still evident today as extensive earthworks known as Kings Court Palace. The majority of this area was deforested in the 17th century, but the North Dorset District Council in its District Plan intend providing some additional woodland planting. King John's first visit to Gillingham was during 23rd-26th June 1204. Other Dorset visits followed: 27th June 2004 (Newton), 18th & 30th November 1204 (Gillingham), 3rd-6th December 1204 (Gillingham, when he is said to have had a great feast), 5th August 1205 (Newton), 10th-14th November 1205 (Gillingham), 12th-16th January 1206 (Gillingham), 25th January 1207 (Gillingham), 3rd & 5th February 1207 (Sturminster), 6th February 1207 (Gillingham), 29th-30th March 1207 (Newton), 3rd April 1207 (Sherborne), 4th-5th April 1207 (Gillingham), 24th July 1207 (Gillingham), 6th September 1207 (Holwell), 7th September 1207 (Stalbridge), 9th-11th September 1207 (Newton), 1st-2nd March 1208 (Gillingham), 25th September 1208 (Blackmore/Newton), 28th-30th September 1208, 14th November 1208 (Gillingham), 3rd-4th July 1209 (Gillingham), 22nd September 1209 (Blackmore); 23rd September 1209 (Gillingham), 15th December 1209 (Gillingham), 18th January 1210 (Sturminster), 20th January 1210 (Sturminster), 3rd October 1210 (Gillingham), 7th October 1210 (Gillingham), 12th February 1211 (Gillingham), 15th February 1211 (Gillingham), 16th October 1212 (Gillingham), 15th March 1213 (Gillingham), 8th-10th July 1213 (Gillingham), 31st July 1213 (Newton), 1st August 1213 (Gillingham), 3rd-4th December 1214 (Sturminster), 6th-8th December 1214.

The king had his royal huntsmen and harriers.


















Illustrated is King John out hunting deer, across a populous warren. The black-and-white hounds are seemingly crossbred Normans. The little brachets were valuable in thick coverts, and sometimes were able to put the big hounds on the right path. The grey horse is evidence of Eastern blood, as numbers of greys appeared in England after the Crusades, and King John himself imported several presumed Arabs. John rides with a breast-plate and crupper, but without a nose band.






There were apparently wild cats in the forests of England at this time.

















There were also still a few wolves about, when two having been killed at Gillingham in 1210, King John gave 15 shillings to the two huntsmen responsible. (See also 1216) Illustrated is a hunt out after a wolf.





Illustrated is a reproduction silver penny of the reign of King John.















1210-1212 In the Red Book of The Exchequer, it was recorded:
'LIBER RUBEUS DE SCACCARIO DE SERJANTIIS IN DIVERSIS COMITATIBUS ANGLLAE. DORSET ET SOMERSETE TERRAE NORMANNORUM (Nomina tenentium de terris Normannorum)
Henricus de Haddone ) ij hidas et dimi in Kaunvel,
Ganfridus de Greinvile ) unucum Roberto Malherbe
Rogerus de Millearis ) cum servitio quartae
Gyfford Wyteng ) partis
Gervasius et Saunus de Bathoria.
Henricus Tonei tenent in Kaunvel, per viij partem.'

'The Red Book of the Exchequer concerning serjeantcies in divers counties of England. Dorset and Somerset the lands of the Normans (names of the tenants of Norman lands)
Henry de Haddone ) 2 hides and a half in Caundle
Geoffrey de Greinvile ) together with Robert Malherbe
Roger de Millearis ) with the service of a fourth
Gyfford Wyteng )
Gervaise and Saunus de Bathoria
Henry Tonei hold in Caundle, by the eighth Parties'
Thus Kaunvel appears to be yet another contemporary spelling, and perhaps pronunciation of Caundele.
1212 Recorded in the Book of Knight and Serjeancy Fees:
'Hundredum De Sherborne. Abbas de Alingenie tenet iiij hydas in libera elemosina de fefemento domini Regis Alvredi.
'Hervicus de Candel tenet dimidiam hydam terre reddendo inde j. d. annum aput Gellingham de dono Regis Willelmi.
'Hundredum De Brunshill. Henricus de Haddon' tenet in Candel ij hydes et dimidiam reddendo j.m. per annum et servicium quarte partis j. militis Roberto Malherbe et idem Robertus tenet eardem terram in capite de domino rege per servicium quarte partis militis de . . . (obbtio aled)
'Thomas filius Thome filii Briani tenet in Candel totidem per servicium quarte militis domino rege in capite de tempore Regis Willelmi.
'Henricus Toneir' tenet terram suam in Caundel de feodo Willelmi Martel de exaecta que modo est in manu domini regis per servicium viiij. partis militis de conquestu.'

'Hundred of Sherborne: the Abbot of Athelney holds 4 hides in frank-almogn by foeffment of the Lord King Alfred.
'Hervey of Caundle holds half a hide of land by paying for it 1d (£2.50) per annum at Gillingham, of the gift of King William.
'Hundred of Brownsell: Henry de Haddon holds in Candel 2 1/2 hides, paying 1 mark (13s 4d = c.£375) per annum and the service of the fourth part of a knight of . . .
'Thomas son of Thomas son of Brian holds in Candel just as many by the service of the fourth part of a knight, to the Lord King in chief, from the time of King William.
'Henry Toneir holds his land in Candel of the fee of William Martel by escheat which is now in the hands of the Lord King, by the service of an eighth part of a knight, from the Conquest.'
28th October, accession of Henry III as king. The anarchy of Stephen's reign, and the 15 years civil war had left the country exhausted. Fire and the sword, and cruel executions, often caused by the soldiery of both sides, had carried desolation into towns and villages, and reduced their inhabitants to poverty. They could not therefore pay their taxes. As dis King John, Henry III spent a large sum on additions to the King's House at Gillingham.
1219 In the Book of Fees:
'Thomas Brian est in custodia Radulfi de Bray per Regam Johannem, et terra sua . . . valet xl.s. In hundredo de Bruneshill.'
'Thomas Brian is the ward of Ralph de Bray by King John, and his land is worth 40s (c.£1,100), in the hundred of Brownsell.' Thomas could have been an orphaned minor.
1235-1236 Again in the Book of Fees:
'Willelmus Bevin reddit compotum de dimidio feodo Vitalis Engayne in Candel. In thesaura dimidia marca. Et debet demidiam marcam.
'Henricus de Haddon reddit compotum de quarta parte j us feodi in Candel. In thesauro xl.d. Et debet xl.d.'

'William Bevin renders account for half of a fee of Viel Engayne in Candel. In the Exchequer, half a mark (6s8d = c.£185). And owes half a mark.
'Henry de Haddon renders account for the quarter part of a fee in Candel. In the Exchequer 40d (c.£90). And owes 40d.'
1235/6 The Commons Act (20 Henry II, c.4 - the Statute of Merton) gave manorial lords power to enclose certain common lands and waste grounds, provided sufficient grazing lands for their tenants. This was the begining of inclosure/enclosure - see also 1285.
1240/1 The first known record of 'Purse' or a variant used in connection with the name of the manor or parish, found in the Feet of Fines, 25 Henry III - see APPENDIX A2 for this instance and its future use.
Thus it was not until the thirteenth century that we come across the beginning of this use of 'Purse':
Pursca(u)ndel 1241, 1252 FF, 1273 Athel C, 1285 FA, 1288 Ass et freq to 1341 Cl
Purschondel 1252 FF
Purska(u)ndel 1268, 1288 Ass, 1290 Ipm
Ca(u)ndel Purs For, 1280, 1288 Ass, 1291 Tax, 1333 SR, 1340 NI et passim
Pruscandel 1275 RH
Pres Caunde [sic] 1280 Ass
Purs Caundel (p), Purscandel Episcopi, Pors Caundel 1288 Ass
Caundel Pours 1350 Imp
Caundell' Porc' 1406, -Porc 1460 Digby
Purscaundell' 1425 Ilch
Caundel(l) purs(s)(e) 1428 FA, 1464, 1491 Digby
Caundell Purs(s)(e)1428 FA, 1436 WRO et freq in 1501 Pat
Caundell Pors' 1460 Digby
Puscandel(le) 1535-1543 Leland
Pursse Candle 1569-1574 Map
Candelpurse 1575 Saxton
Candle Purse 1664 H.Tax
Porss Caundle 1709 WSRO
Caundle Purse 1795 Boswell
Purse Caundle 1811 OS

Sources:
Ass - Extracts from Assize Rolls (see Dorset County Museum).
Athel C - Two Cartularies of the Benedictine Abbeys of Muchelney and Athelney.
Boswell - The Civil Division of Dorset. Sherborne 1795.
Ch - Calendar of Charter Rolls 1903-1927.
DB Exon - Domesday Book (Exeter).
Digby - Records of Sherborne Castle Estate & of Digby family in DHC.
FA - Feudal Aids (PRO/NI) London 1899-1920.
FF - Full Abstracts of the Feet of Fines relating to Dorset, pub. 1896 & 1910.
For - Forest Proceedings in NI
H.Tax - Dorset Hearth Tax Assessments 1662-1664.
Ilch - Ilchester doc. in DHC.
Ipm - Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem (NA).
Leland - The Itinerary of John Leland, 1964 reprint.
Mont C - Montacute Cartulary (DNHAS 11-142/7).
NI - Nonorum inquisitiones (RC) 1807OS.
OS - First edition 1" Ordnance Survey map.
(p) - Place name used as a personal name or surname.
Pat - Calendar of Patent Rolls.
RH - Rotuli Hundredorum (Record Commission) 1812-1818.
Saxton - Saxton's map of Dorsetshire 1575.
SR - Dorset Lay Subsidy Roll of 1332 (Dorset Record Society #4).
Tax - Taxatio Ecclesiastica Angliae et Williae, c.1291 (RC 1802).
WSRO - Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office.
As well as the source references above, quoted in A. D. Mills' book The Place Names of Dorset, many of the above name variations are to be found within the pages of this History.
In the woods, particularly in the King's game forest woods, the rate of timber cutting was colossal. In the Blackmore Forest 71 oak trees were felled between 1230-1233, and in Gillingham Forest some 559 oaks were felled between 1251-1270. All this timber was to be used for the building and repairing of bridges, houses and castles.
1250 As well as deer, possibly still hunted up until now could have been wild boar, though it has also been considered to have been extinct in England by this date.
1264-1265 There was a civil war led by Sir Simon de Monteforte, who was to be killed. Two commissioners per county were to be appointed to seek out rebels to the King. None were found in the Hundred of Bruneshill; and only 'Sir Brian de Guuiz keeper of Shireburn castle.'
c.1268 The Abbess of Shaftesbury was granted "free warren" over her land at Caundle. This enabled her to hunt the smaller game - fox, hare, rabbit, the wild cat, pheasants and partridges over the abbey's estate. The grant also prevented anyone else entering such land to hunt without the abbey's consent under heavy penalty. Such grants were to become common to manorial lords in general.
1269 On Monday, 8th December, following the Feast of the Conception of our Lady, Roger Cosen, an earlier unrecorded incumbent than that listed in Purse Caundle church, recorded in the church's Missal the baptism at Purse Caundle of his nephew Roger Aleyn, son of John Aleyn. Roger de Wyveleshulle carried the infant from the font, deputising for a godfather who could not be present. Roger Cosen also mentioned that wine was drunk; the ewer and basin being used by the godparents for washing their hands; the various accidents which befell the witnesses on the rough roads, when one broke his leg, and another her arm by a fall from her horse. Eleven parishioners were said to have been present as witnesses, and seen the event recorded in the Missal. The evidence for all this is from a talk given in 1927 by Lady Victoria Herbert, the then owner of Purse Caundle manor house (see CHAPTER C1G), and reported in the Proceedings of the Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society, volume 49, 1928; and Country Life, 21st November 1963, page 1342. (See Chapter C3 for an even earlier parson there c.1249).
1270, 28th February. In the Calendar of Charter Rolls there is an 'Inspeximus and confirmation of an earlier grant by Henry III to the Abbey of Cluny in France of various towns, churches, etc., includingnthe tithes of the church of 'Candel'. There is no indication that this is in Dorset, although the proximity of a place called 'Carnel' also in Dorset, may mean Cerne (Abbas).
1272, 20th November, the accession of Edward I as king.
1275, 11th September (or possibly other dates of 5th December 1274, or 11th September 1276), there was a great earthquake felt throughout southern England, especially at Glastonbury. Amongst buildings damaged was Sherborne castle (DHC ref: D/FOW/D2).
1278 Every gentleman owning land worth £20 a year in rent had to become a knight. This was later to fall into dis-use (see 1629).














A new silver coinage was introduced of a groat (fourpence), penny, halfpenny, and farthing. Illustrated is a real cut silver penny of Henry III, making a halfpennjy; and a reproduction gold penny (20 pence), also of Henry III.
1285 In the Inquisitions And Assessments relating to Feudal Aids 1284-1431, and Knights' Fees:
'Hundredum De Shirburn, Episcopi Sarisburniensis. Item de serjauntiis, &c. dicunt, quod Johannes Godwyne de Purscandel tenuit dimidiam hydam terre in Pursecaundel de domino rege i. c. in serjauncia, per servicium quod hospitabit canes domini regis lesos cum dominus rex venaverit in foresta de Blakemor sumptibus domini regis, et quod dabit singulis annis unum denarium ad claudendum parcum domini regis de Gillingham. Et post decessum dicti Johannis abbatissa Sheftonie cepit seysinam dicte terre, quia idem Johannes tenuit dum vixit quandam terram de eadam abbatissa. Post-modo venit Thomas de Saunford subeschaetor domini regis, inquirens de jure domini regis de eadam terra, invenit per inquisicionem quod ad dominum regem pertinere debet, et dictam in manu domini regis cepit et valet per annum dimidiam marcam, et predictus subeschaetor habet custodiam dicte terre.'
'Hundred of Sherborne, of the Bishop of Salisbury. Item: of serjeants, etc. they say that John Godwyne of Purse Caundle held half a hide of land in Purse Caundle of the Lord King, that is to say in serjeanty, by the service of keeping the King's dogs when the King came to the forest of Blakemor, for the feeding of the King, and that he will give every year a penny for enclosing the King's park of Gillingham. And after the death of the said John the Abbess of Shaftesbury took seisin of the said land, since the said John held, while he lived, certain lands from the said Abbess. Presently came Thomas de Saunford, the King's Sub-Escheator, enquiring of the King's jury about this land, he found by inquisition that it should belong to the Lord King, and took the said land into the King's hands, and it is worth half a mark per annum, and the said Sub-Escheator has custody of the said land.'
John Godwyne would thus at times have found the cost of his land to be expensive, what with not only having to pay for the feeding of the King and his dogs when they came hunting, but presumably the King' accompanying substantial retinue as well. It would be important to know what exact period this was as from c.1275 a John Aleyn held this land and obligation - see APPENDIX C1A.
The Commons Act (13 Edward I, c.46) renewed the provisions of 20 Henry II, c.4., which allowed Lords of Manors to approve wastes, woods and pastures, provided he left sufficient pasture for his tenants and neighbours. It also precluded the usurption of rights of common whilst the owner was under age, a married woman, or tenant for a term of years or for life or in fee total.
The pursuit of robbers by 'hue and cry' in the King's name dates from the Statute of Winchester. Informationn would be passed between constables of Hundreds by document. The fact that the loser could obtain redress by a fine levied against the Hundred in which the robbery took place ensured that it was taken seriously. This Statute was extant certainly as late as 1728. It and subsequent lefislation also made all able-bodied men aged from 16 to 60 liable to perform military service, and obliged them to equip themselves with specific arms and armour according to their income, and to learn their use.
It was also ordered 'That highways leading from one market town to another shall be enlarged, where as bushes, woods or dykes be, so that there be neither dyke, tree, nor bush whereby a man may lurk to do hurt within two hundred foot of one side and two hundred foot on the other side of the way.' Taking as an example the road between the market towns of Sherborne and Shaftesbury, there is no evidence of this along the section of Old Road which passes across the top of Purse Caundle parish from Toomer Hill to Crendle, which is now well hedged and tree lined.
1288 There is mention of a 'taberna' (tavern, inn) at Purse Caundle (Ass.).
1290 The neighbouring village of Stalbridge was to be granted two Cattle Fairs a year (6th May and 4th September), and a Tuesday Market with alternate weeks being for cattle. This would join Sherborne which had had a Market since 1148, and a Fair from 1240; and Shaftesbury with its Market since 900. Sturminster Newton would get its Market in 1300, and Fair in 1332.
1291 Another early record said that Purscaundel or pruscaundel was held by Athelney Abbey (Taxatio Ecclesiastica of Pope Nicholas IV, page 178a - Record Comission, London 1802 - whereby much of clergy property and income was subject to taxation instigatede by Pope Nicholas IV; Inquisitions and Assessments relating to Feudal Aids with other analogous Documents preserved in the Public Records Office A.D. 1284-1431, vol. ii, page 41 - HMSO 1899-1920; Rotuli Hundredorum, vol. i, page 103 - Record Commission 1812-1818). Phillimore's Domesday, Note 56.55 says that 'from these last two entries it is clear that the Abbot held half the village, less 1/2 hide held by John filius Aleni; the other half being held by the Abbess of Shaftesbury (see Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, vol. iii, No. 111 - HMSO State Papers, London 1904).
Hutchins said that in the Tower copy of the old valor ecclesiasticus of 1291, Caundle Purse is entered non excedit, which presumably meant it fell below a certsain level of value.
1293 Hutchins devoted some space to the Domesday land held by Alured [Alfred], allying it to that of the John Aleyn (Alan), keeper of the King's injured hunting-dogs, but perhaps augmented over the years. For, from an Inquisition post mortem of 21 Edward I (1293), John Aleyn who died that year, held of the Kin in chief two parts of two virgates of land in Purse Caundle, by the service of serjeancy, i.e. 'Ad preservand. vel logiand. canes Regis infirmos, vel laesos, ad custag. D. Regis quando D. Rex adversus feras currit in Blakemore: & per servit. reddend. 1d. annuatim, ad claudendum parcum de Gillingham.' (Duties of occupant of manor, John Allen [Aleyn], were "to keep or lodge the King's sick or injured hounds at the King's cost when the Lord King hunts game in Blakemore [Blackmore Vale]. To pay one penny yearly to maintain the park fencing at Gillingham.") It is not known when this serjeancy commenced, but presumably some time after the death of John Godwyne - see 1285. Coker was to remark c.1623 that "I wish this age were as careful for men as that was for Dogges." He also said regarding Henry III's earlier incident with a white stag: "And the Forest alsoe from that time begane to lose its ancient name, and to be called the Forrest of White Harte." Allen also held of the Abbess of Shaftesbury half a virgate of land, by service of paying 8s. (c.£210) per annum; and 1 1/2 virgates of land of the Abbot of Athelney, paying 10s. per annum. Roger, his son and heir, was aged 23 years (see 1269 - see also 1341 and APPENDIX C1).
8th December. In the Calendar of Charter Rolls of Henry III the lands of the Abbot of Athelney in Purse Caundle were valued at £5.13s. (c.£3030).
At the same time, under 21 Edward I, the Abbess of Shaftesbury had a grant for 'free warren' in her manor of Caundele. 'Free Warren' enabled the lord to hunt small game over his/her estates, such as the fox, hare, rabbit, and the wild cat, and the pheasants and partridges. Rabbits were not native to Britain, having been introduced by the Normans in the 12th century (as were also roe deer). These grants prevented anyone entering such lands to hunt without the owner's licence, under considerable penalty. During the 13th century rabbit warrens were constructed around the country, many by monastic houses. As rabbits spread from the warrens, as well as becoming a pest by eating crops they became available to the peasantry for food.
1297, 22nd February, the Calendar of Patent Rolls (25 Edward I) records:
'Protection with clause nolumus, until All Saints, for . . . his men, lands, goods, rents and possessions . . . for the following, who have made fine for such protections before the chancellor:- Baldwin de Caundel, vicar of the church of Horton.
The abbot of Athelingnie. . .'
25th March, King Edward was at Gillingham.
1298, 24th September, the Calendar of Patent Rolls (26 Edward I) records: '[Pardon] to Stephen Langer of Candel, of the county of Dorset, by reason of his service in the army in Flanders, for robberies, &c., in that and other counties while the king was in Flanders.'
Around 1300, according to the Cartulary of Athelney Abbey there were several gifts made to the abbey of land and rent in Purse Caundle. Perhaps of most interest is that there is given the names of the grantors and witnesses, who as well as being landholders, may or may not have been actual residents. Nicholas de Candel gave the two shillings rent he received from Ralph de Cerne for two hides of land in 'Purs-Candel'; with witnesses Robert de Columbers, Robert de London, Simon Warner, and Walter Breton. Ralph de Cerne gave all his land in Purs-Candel; with witnesses the lord Robert de Blakefords and Robert de London. Walter Briton also gave all his land there. Robert de Columbers gave up to the abbey all his rights 'in that ville'; with witnesses Thomas Trivet, knight, Henry de Haddon, Henry de Salice, 'and others.' Then there was John Baret, brother to a former parson of Purs-Candel, who gave ovr all right to his inherited land there, with witnesses again the lord Robert de Londres, knight, and Henry Haddon. Nicholas Hachard gave lands there, with witnesses John de Haddon and Thomas Bruneshull. Stephen Cnappedeshall also gave lands there. There had been an earlier agreement in 1273 between the Abbey and William called Young concerning lands there, with witness Henry de Haddon and others. However, such cartularies, as well as contemporary charters, were very often forged, or existing ones altered to suit the needs of those who would benefit from them. There was at that time no systematic method of detecting such forgeries.
Serfs and villeins now needed documents if they wished to leave their village for whatever reason, so as to be accepted as trustworthy at placed outside their own village.
The 14th century started with unusually warm weather, which with adequate rain brought bumper crops. This was then to be followed by a European-wide famine until 1322.
1307, 8th July, accession of Edward II as king.
1315, December. The arrival of Henry le White, the first rector of Purse Caundle listed by Hutchins. At the same time the first recorded Patron was said to be the Abbess of Shaftesbury. If it can be assumed that a church had stood in the village since Saxon times, there could well have been one or more earlier priests as we have seen. For details of these and subsequent priests see 1269 above and APPENDIX C3. The years 1315/1316 were to be cold and wet, with resulting famine.
1316 In the Book of Fees:
'Burgi, Ville, &c. Earamque Domini. Hundredam de Shirburn, Episcopi Sarisburniensis, in quo sant ville de: PURSECAUNDEL - Abbatissa Shaftonie et abbas de Athelingnie.'
'Boroughs, Towns, . . . of the Lord. Hundred of Sherborne, of the Bishop of Salisbury, in which are the towns of Purse Caundle - the Abbess of Shaftesbury and the abbot of Athelney.'
At either end of Edward II's reign, or beginning of Edward II's, was compiled what became known as the Testa de Neville, being details of Inquisitions of Henry III and Edward I. These were a record of Fees, Serjeantcies, marriages, all in gift of the King, as well as Churches in gift of the King, etc.
'Hundr'm de BRUNESHILL. Henricus de Haddon ten' in Candel II hid' & dim' reddendo i m' rc' p' annui & serviciu' quarte p'tis i t'ram in capite de D'no R. p' serviciu' quarte p'tis unius militis. 'Thom' fil' Thom' fil' brian ten' in Candel totidem p' serviciu' quarte p'tis milit de D'no R. i' capite de tempore Regis Will'i.
'Henr' Tonerr' ten' terram suam in Candel de feodo Will'i Martel de escaeta que modo est in manu d'ni Regis p' servicium octave p'tis milit' de conquestu
'Hundr'm de SHIREBURN [included] Hervicus de Candel ten' dim' hidam terre reddendo inde i den' annu' apud Gellingeham de dono Regis Will'i.'
'Hundred of Brownsell: Henry de Haddon holds in Candele 2 1/2 hides. Paying 1 mark [c.£225] per annum, and the service of a fourth part and land in chief of the Lord King, by the service of the fourth part of a knight.
Thomas son of Thomas son of Brian holds in Caundle the same amount by the service of the fourth part of a knight of the Lord King in chief from the time of King William.
Henry Tonerr holds his land in Caundle of the fee of William Martel by escheat, whicvh now is in the hands of the Lord King, by the service of the eighth part of a knight, from the Conquest.
Hundred of Sherborne: Hervey of Caundle holds half a hide of land, paying for it 1d [c.£1.50] per annum at Gillingham, of the gift of King William.'
For the next two decades, so long as rents continued to rise and agricultural prices to fall, there were powerful incentives to convert both the demesne and the villein tenements into leaseholds, though probably still short-term. But at the same time there was a series of wet summers and animal diseases, which depleted stocks of cereals and animals, leading to malnutruition and starvation, which by the 1300s had debilitated the peasant population.
1317 Further repairs to the 1275 earthquake damage were carried out sat Sherborne castle, with wood 'from Gillingham Forest and from Caundel Park' - wherever this latter might have been.
1325-1340 As noted above the threat of famine was always present in the Middle Ages. Farming was done almost entirely by hand (see illustrations below derived from the Luttrell Psalter), and the slow harvesting of crops could be disastrously interrupted by bad weather. Crops included cereals like wheat, barley and oats, and vegetables such as peas, beans, leeks and onions. But yields were very low compared to today, with a figure of only 3-4 bushels of wheat harvested to one sown was normal. Agricultural technology was basic.

Illustrated is harrowing, and a man bird-scaring with sling and stones. Any birds hit could possibly find its way into the cooking pot.

Ploughshares could be tipped with iron to turn heavy soil such as that at Purse Caundle, being pulled by as many as eight oxen or horses, and being guided by hand. A large plough was often attached to a wheeled carriage.

Illustrated above are a man and woman breaking up clods of earth.

The sowing of seed by scattering by hand was wasteful, with birds being natural pests, despite being scared off by dogs and small boys.

Reaping, which relied on scythes and sickles, was exceptionally labour-intensive.

After reaping the corn was bundled into sheaves, and stacked for drying and subsequent removal for storage.

Once the sheaves had been loaded onto waggons it could be all hands helping to push the waggons up hills.

An indoor job for farm labourers during the winter months would be the threshing of the grain with flails.

Sheep being tended and milked within a totally enclosed fold made of wickerwork hurdles.

Removing weeds, with one person wearing tough gloves presumably for dealing with prickly items.

An intinerant craftsman, identified as a metalworker by the bellows which he carries, being harassed by a dog.

Sharpening knives.

1327, 25th January, accession of Edward III as king. On 14th September he was granted by Parliament a twentieth of the value of the movable goods which his lay subjects possessed at Michaelmas 1327, payable by rural and urban people alike. This was to be recorded in Lay Subsidy Rolls for the several counties. The Dorset Lay Subsidy Roll of 1327 is unfortunately now in poor condition, and is incomplete. Even so, this incomplete tax list gives the earliest picture of the ordinary inhabitants of Purse Caundle. The relevant day for later assessments was atthe previous Michaelmas Day (29th September). Crops would have been gathered in, and thus each peasant would know the yield of his land. In rural areas the assessors did not value the armour, riding horses, jewels, and clothing of the knights, gentlemen, and their wives, or their vessels of gold, silver and brass. They did not include the household goods of the peasant, artisan or farmer, the tools of their trade, or the foodstuffs in their larder. The goods that were taxed in rural areas were horses, cattle, sheep, pigs, grain, hay, honey, and other agricultural produce. The poorer people were protected by the fixing of a taxable minimum of ten shillings, which at a twentieth gave a minimum charge of sixpence (about £12). Clergy being partially exempted due to their income being already subject to taxation instigated by Pope Nicholas IV in 1291 (q.v.), in the lay subsidies they were thus only taxed on property acquired after 1291, or on temporal possessions not listed on the papal schedule.

'[Caundel Pu]rs

[De] W[. . . .]:- iis. [De] [Robert] Daubeneye:- iis.

[De] [. . . .]:- vid. [De] [Richard] Trip[p]:- iis.

[De] [. . . .]:- xiiid. qa. [De] [John] de Russhedone:- xvd.

[De] [. . . .]:- xiid. [De] [John] de Russhedone:- vid.

[De] [Waltero Acr[.]:- xvd. [De] [John] Godwyne:- iis.

[De] [Robert] le Yonge:- iis. [De] [John] Shyuenham:- xd.

[De] [John[ le Tauerner:- xiid. [De] [Wal]tero atte Were:- viiid.

[De] [. . at]te Welle:- viiid. [De] Roberto Patyn:- iis. vid.
[De] [John]e Brid:- xxd. De Rogero de Ponte:- xviiid.

[Sum]ma xxiiiis. vid. qa. : probatur'

qa = quadrans = farthing (1/4d). iis is two shillings, and xd is 10d. The total of 24 shillings 6 1/4 pence = c.£550 in 2007, and one penny = c.£1.90.

Was John le Tavener the tavern-keeper (q.v. 1288)? Tripp was presumably after whom Trip's Farm is named. Was 'Russhedon' to be the 'Russon' (and variants) of the 19th/20th centuries - just south-west of Trip's Farm?
1332 was the last year in which subsidy rolls of this kind were compiled, and this one is complete. It is accordingly even more important than that of 1327, for it gives a full list of Purse Caundle inhabitants who were assesed to pay taxes on their movable or personal property. This time the tax was one fifteenth in rural areas, and one tenth in urban. It was granted to Edward III to cope with the troubles in Ireland, and the prospect of difficulties in Scotland - both these causes doubtless being of little or no interest to Purse Caundle. The taxable minimum was still ten shillings in rural areas, givng a minimum tax of eightpence.

'Caundel Purs

De Johanne de Russheden iij. s. De Willelmo Horn xx. d.
De Johanne Shyuenham ij. s. vj. d. De Waltero atte Were xx. d.
De Johanne Godwyne ij. s. vj. d. De Roberto le Yonge iij. s.
De Jordano Hicke viij. d. De Roberto le Shephurd xij. d.
De Roberto Jolle viij. d. De Roberto Patyn v. s. x. d.
De Johanne Brid' ij. iij. d. De Johanne le Tauerner ij. s.
De Roberto Daubeneye v. s. vj. d. De Rogero Alayn ij. s.

De Ricardo Tripp' ij. s. x. d. De Rogero atte Brigge xx. d.

De Willelmo Tougoud viij. d.
Summa. xxxix. s. v. d. prob[atur]

Total of 39s. 5d. = c.£880. It will be noticed that the amount payable by each person ws increased from what was paid in 1327.

1333 De Banco Roll No. 294, Easter, 7 Edward III:

'Dor. John Ken parson of Pursecaundel V William Engelley Roger de Kyngeston and Henry le Parker for assault at Pursecaundel. To St. Michael.'

Unfortuantely nothing further has been found as to details of the incident, or any subsequent outcome.

1341-1342 There was another national tax assessment - the Inquisitio Nonarum (Inquisitions of the Ninth), which was a levy of the ninth lamb, fleece and sheaf. For the 'Parish of Caundel Purs: Roger atte Brigge, Robert Bonefeld, William Babbe, William Tougood, John Turener and Walter at War, having been sworn in there, present that the church there is not assessed. And that the ninth part of the sheeves [of corn] and woll is worth annually 42s and no more, in addition the rector there has in demesne as an endowment to the church 12 acres of land, which are worth 3s a year. He also has tithes of hay, which are worth 6s a year. Also pasture which is worth 12s a year. Also tithes of flax, hemp, dairy produce, obventions and small tithes, worth 8s. Total value of the ninth part - 42s [c.£1,148].'

1347, 6th March, at Reading, the Calendar of Patent Rolls records:
'Commission of oyer and terminer to williasm de Shareshull, John de Stouford, Robert Selyman, Thomas Seymor, Walter Pavely and Walter de Circestre, on complaint by Robert, bishop of Salisbury, that [31 names listed, plus] Richard le Sopere of Caundel, Hugh le Wolmanger of Caundel, Oliver atte Yate of Caundel, and others broke his park at Shirburne, co. Dorset, hunted therein and carried away his deer, fished in his several fisheries there, carried away fish and assaulted his men and servants there so that their life was despaired of, whereby he lost their service for a great time.
Renewed because sealed at another time by the fine of 20s. [c.£430]'

On 3rd July, at Reading, there was a further 'Commission of oyer and terminer' issued for the same offence: 'By the chancellor because sealed at another time by fine of 20s.'

1348 Sometime during June-August the BLACK DEATH arrived in Britain, probably through a south coast sea port, with Melcombe Regis (now part of Weymouth in Dorset) or Southampton and Bristol being the main suspects. The event was to be known at the time as 'The Pestilence' (pestilentia), and only became known as the Black Death after the Great Plague of 1665 in order to distinguish between them. As we now know, it is considered to have been a combination of some form of bubonic, pneumonic and septicemic plagues, with the carriers being fleas on rats. It has additionally been considered that the early flu-like symptoms reported suggest anthrax, as this cattle disease was also present at the same time. The well-known nursery rhyme is thought to have been composed at the time, and gives some indication of the symptoms and results derived from this particular aspect:

Ring a ring a roses,

A pocket full of posies,
Atishoo! atishoo!

We all fall down.

The plague showed itself in swellings and carbuncles under the arm and in the groin, sometimes as large as a hen's egg; and others smaller and spread over the body. In addition there were other symptoms from which the patient suffered: (1) gangrenous inflammation of the throat and lungs, (2) violent pains in the region of the chest, (3) the vomitting and spitting of blood, (4) the pestilential odour coming from the bodies and breath of those affected. Though many recovered from the carbuncle and glandular swellings, apparently none did from the blood spitting. Death could occur within hours, or 3-5 days, depending on the severity of the symptoms.

With the help of ecclesiastical records it can be established that the plague was rife in many parts of Dorset by October 1348, reaching its peak around the following December/January, and then on the wane by the end of February 1349. A mild autumn and winter were condusive to its spread, plus continual rain during the final six months of 1348. No record has yet been found as to how Purse Caundle was affected, but one could hazard a guess. The Pestilence certainly reached Gillingham with a vengeance from October onwards, just eight miles away.

It has been reliably asserted that around half the population of the country, and Europe, died in twelve months as a result. Clergy as much as the laity were susceptible to the plague, and bishops were soon having to appoint priests to many parishes because of death. A hundred priests in Dorset were instituted between October 1348-April 1349, as against a usual 6 or 7. However, in January 1349, the Bishop of Bath and Wells circulated a letter to all priests in his diocese regarding those parishes without priests because of their death from the pestilence, and others reluctant or unwilling to be instituted in their place to care for the sick, take services and administer the Sacraments. Priests were thus commanded under their oath of obedience to take up their duties. Permission was given to the laity to take on appropriate priestly duties, including hearing confession - but excluding the Eucharist - when a priest was not available when and where required. The aristocracy were just as likely to succumb, with survivors having the added indignity thereafter of having very little or no income of rents from their tenants. Monasteries similarly suffered from drastic loss of income, though were doubtless better able to cope in such matters as food production, etc. for themselves. Gillingham lost a chantry priest, with Shaftesbury suffering severely, including the loss of the Abbess. Nearer to home, amongst Sherborne's losses was its Abbot. John Kenn had been instituted to Purse Caundle in 1326, and the next one known being Richard de Soke in 1362. If this is as it seems, then Kenn was a survivor, but may have succumbed to the plague's brief return in 1361. Alternatively, the benefice may have been temporarily left vacant.

1349 According to the Dorset Inquisitions Post Mortem: From Henry III to Richard III A.D. 1216-1485 :

'Extent of the temporalities of the Abbey of Athelingneye vacant by his death [during the Great Pestilence?] of Brother Richard de Gothurst last Abbot of that place 23 Edward III [1349] to wit: Sutton Lenge Iltone Hurdecote in the county of Somerset and Pourscaundel in the county of Dorset, made before Thomas Cary the King's Escheator in the counties aforesaid on the days and places within written by the oaths of the underwritten. [Somerset Manors not extracted.]

Pourscaundel. Extent of the manor of Pourscaundel there made before the aforesaid Escheator on 30th September in the year abovesaid by the oath of John . . ., William atte More, William Cliffard, John S . . ., Richard Russel, William atte . . ., and others, who say that

There is a certain building which is worth nothing yearly besides reprises, and 30 acres of arable land of which a moiety . . . and which so sown are worth 10s [c.£250], price of the acre . . ., and 1/3rd part lies in common and at fallow therefore it is of no value, and . . . from the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Mary until the hay is raised which is worth yearly 5s, and 6 acres of pasture which are worth . . . and rent of assize of the free tenants there payable at the four terms . . . (St. Michael, Nativity of our Lord, Easter and St. John the Baptist) by equal portions 8s . . . And the Abbot died on 15th September last past. Sum 26s [c.£560].'

The third part presumabl.y refers to a 3-field system of cultivation, i.e. one field with root crops, one field with corn, and one fallow.

1351 On 4th August, under 24 Edward III, John Aleyn at his death (had this been from the Pestilence?) held from the King jointly with his wife Isabell, who survived him, one cottage, with curtilage and 3 acres of land in 'Caundel Pourse', value 12d (c.£20) per annum. His daughters Elyanora, aged 4 years, and Johanna, aged 3 years, were his heirs. Apparently "these heiresses married Henry Cowlry and Thomas Petimy" - see 1429.

During the year were minted for the first time half-groat coins (2d).

1361 The Great Pestilence of 1348 returned, which was to be equally or possibly even more worse than the earlier visitation. Recovery of population numbers, etc., thereafter was to continue to be long and slow.

1364 From early years there had been archery butts in villages and towns, to enable people to practice for potential warfare purposes. But in 37 Edward III, the following order was issued:

"whereas the people of our realm, nobles as well as commons, usually practised in their games the art of archery . . . now the art is almost totally neglected . . . so that the kingdom, in short, becomes truly destitute of archers." Men in every shire were encouraged to practice on festival days, to "exercise themselves in the art of archery, and use for his games bows and arrows, or crossbows and bolts."

Still recovering from another dose of the Pestilence one can hardly be surprised the remaining population had other things on their minds. Unlike some other localities that have the name 'Butt' in the names of fields or streets, nothing similar has been found in Purse Caundle.

1369 Following the death of the wife of Edward III, the King's House at Gillingham was destroyed, and presumably the visits to the area of reigning monarchs ceased.

1371 There was a tax of 116 shillings (c.£2,075) on parishes.
1377, 22nd June, accession of Richard II as king. There was introduced a Poll Tax, being a flat rate per capita of 4 pence (c.£8) on everyone aged 14 years and over, payable by Monday, 6th April. There are no surviving details of Dorset payers.

1379 Another Poll Tax, this time on married and single men, single women aged 16 years and over, ranging from 4 pence to 10 marks (£6 13s 4d = c.£3,005) according to a schedule, payable in two instalments at 24th June and 1st August. The Peerage paid the top rate, down to 4 pence by marrieds and singles.

1381 The year of the Peasants' Revolt, when as the result of yet another Poll Tax, ordinary Manor tenants, particularly in the south-eastern part of England, rebelled against their centuries of servitude: and now particularly the imposition of the Poll Tax, all of which crippled them further. One of the instigators, the priest John Bull, who was to die in 1381 for his part in the Revolt, was to quote an old rhyme:

'When Adam delved and Eve span

Who was then the gentleman?'

But what may have happened in Dorset is not sure. This is not the place to discuss in detail all the reasons for the Revolt which has been adequately covered in other publication (see the BIBLIOGRAPHY), but only as it might have affected Purse Caundle. The king's wars had to be paid for, as well as having obligations to serve in them.

According to the Calendar of Patent Rolls, on 20th and 23rd May 1378, there had been issued a

'Commission[s] in pursuance of the recent ordinance of Parliament, of oyer and terminer, in respect of the tenants of the abbess of Shaftesbury [of eight of her manors in Wiltshire and Dorset, but not apparently Purse Caundle] who are to be admitted to mainprize [mainpris].' Then in 1381/2 the nuns of Shaftesbury abbey petitioned the young King Richard II for relief under their great losses of their tenants by the plague, and their cattle by the murrain and other accidents, so that they could not hold out the year through against their creditors. This the king granted.

After the king apparently acceeded to Wat Tyler's and the rebels' demands, risings occurred around the country. Where there was actual physical unrest during the Revolt, some manor houses were attacked, and there was widespread destruction of Manor court rolls where accessible in manor houses, including against abbots and priors. If Purse Caundle's were kept inside Athelney and Shaftesbury Abbeys they were probably safe, but possibly not if kept in the stewards' residences.

Although there may not have been any discernible difference afterwards of the lot of tenantry vis-a-vis their lands, there was a political outcome in that if peasants could revolt once, they could do it again, and thus further risings were feared.

1382, 21st May, 'at nine of the clocke' there was a nationwide earthquake that may have been strongly felt in Dorset, though the epicentre was near Canterbury, Kent. (DHC ref: D/FOW/D2)

Wolf and Stag hunting about 1385.

1394, 7th April. The Bishop of Salisbury, John de Waltham, visited the Sherborne deanery, during which he visited the church of Purse Caundle, where Walter [Wroxale], the rector was cited [to appear]; the Abbot of Athelney was recorded as having PORTION [in the church] and was cited at the benefice. John Chuse, Richard Boyseye, Robert Trappe (Trippe?), and Robert Baser were cited as parishioners. This may possibly be the first record of Walter (Wroxale), as according to the 'List of Rectors' on display in Purse Caundle church, at this date the rector was either Richard de Soke or William Archer.

1395 It is noted that the vicar of neighbouring Milborne Port was a William Purse.

1397 Milborne Port was granted a yearly Fair on 28th October for sheep and cattle. There was also another fair there on 5th June.

1399, 30th September. The accession of Henry IV as king, and beginning of the Lancastrian period.

1400 As well as its two annual Fairs, Milborne Port was now granted a weekly market, which was to continue until 1800.

1413, 21st March, the accession of Henry V as king.

1422, 1st September, accession of Henry VI as king, and beginning of the Yorkist period.

1428 In the Feudal Aids:
'Decanatus Shaftonie.
[Struck out: Ecclesia de Caundell Purs non taxatur, tamen respondent de subsidio inferius] quia postea inter beneficia non taxata.
Porcio abbatis de Athelyngnie in ecclesia de Candelpurs ab antiquo taxatur ad xx.s.
[Nichil - added and erased] Subsidium ij.s.
Nomina Beneficiorum non Taxatorum in Decanatu Predicto. Ecclesia de Candelpurse - non taxatur.
Subsidium vj.s viij.d.'

'The Deanary of Shaftesbury.
[Struck out: the church of Purse Caundle is not assessed, however they are answerable for the subsidy below] because afterwards it was not assessed between the benefices.
The portion of the Abbey of Athelney in the church of Purse Caundle is assessed from of old at 20s [c.£455] - "nothing to be added" erased] subsidy 2s.
The names of the benefices not assessed in the said Deanery. The church of Purse Caundle - subsidy 6s 8d [c.£152].'
1454 In a Deed of 32 Henry VI, John Long succeeded his father Richard as owner of certain lands within the parish; and was to begin building of the manor house at Purse Caundle. The Long family supposedly enclosed the common-fields in the early 14oos. The family could well also have been involved with the re-building of the church around 1480 (see APPENDIX B).
1459/60 Around this period Purse Caundle village was one of those as part of the Sherborne Out Hundred which owed suit to the Bishop of Salisbury's Hundred Court with View of Frankpledge, held in Sherborne at three-weekly intervals on Tuesdays. During this year (38 Henry VI), on 1st April (Hooktide) the tithingman of Purse Caundell presented 'The common way called Shetelane, ult crescateu cum spurs it vepribus ad noc' qo dec [runc] de Caundell Purs - is overgrown with thorns and briars, to the public hurt - and the whole tithing is fined 2s 3d' (c.£52 at 2008 values). (DHC ref: D/FOW/A17)
1461, 4th March, the removal of Henry VI and accession of Edward IV as king, during what was to be known as the 'War of the Roses.'
19th October (1 Edward IV), Law Day - with View of Frankpledge - in the Sherborne Hundred Court Roll is shown Caundell Purs being represented by its Tithingman.

8th November, at the first 3-weekly Sherborne Hundred Court after the Michaelmas Law Day, in Court, at the end of the Session, the whole 23 tithings paid sums varying from 12 pence to 2 shillings. Then after the Free tenants had paid their fines to be excused attendance . . . five of the outlying tithings, which jhad already paid their fines along with the 23 tithings above paid an extra fine. (DHC ref: D/FOW/J2) Fines of free suitors included the Abbot of Athelney of 40 pence, and the Abbas of Shaston (Shaftesbury) of two shillings, and at all succeeding 3-weekly courts. (DHC ref: D/FOW/A17)
1st December, at the next Sherborne Hundred Court, all those five tithings, except one, remnunt per finem et present omnia bete. (DHC ref: D/FOW/J2)

1463 Edward IV used Rewe as an ingredient in a famous plague remedy. Q.v. Rue or Rewe Farm and Lane still in Purse Caundle.

1464, 11th April, Hooktide, (4 Edward IV), at the Sherborne Hundred Court with View of Frankpledge, presented was the common way from Coggford (not located) to the church of Purse Caundel (foundered). (DHC ref: D/FOW/A17)

1466 A final concord or fine was a ficticious lawsuit, designed to get something official recorded in a court, in the days before there were such things as land registries. The parties involved were not usually fighting each other, but getting their lands settled. The property in fines is always much exaggerated and is notan accurate reflection of actual acreages, etc. Without other deeds these fines are not very helpful documents. Such a one was 'A final agreement made in the King's Court in the octave of the Purification of the Virgin Mary (Hilary Term), 5 Edward VI, and later in the octave of St. Michael (Michaelmas Term) in 6 Edward IV. BETWEEN Robert Bayngton and John Calowe, plaintiffs, and William Cowdray and Avice his wife (daughter and heiress of John Whatwode and his late wife Joan, sister and heiress of Thomas Gulderd, esq) deforciants. Amongst the many manors concerned was 'Caundell Purse'. (DHC ref: D/WLC/T71)

Illustrated is a reproduction silver Groat (fourpence) of Edward IV.















1470 Restoration for a short while of Henry VI as king.
1471 Restoration of Edward IV as king.

1478 Edward IV had to re-issue a similar order regarding the decline in archery practice as did Edward III back in 1364.
1483, 9th April, accession of Edward V as king, who was only to reign for a matter of just over eleven weeks.
26th June, accession of Richard II as king.

Illustrated is a reproduction gold Angel (third of a pound - 6s 8d) of Richard III.














1485 Monday, 22nd August, Richard III killed at the Battle of Bosworth, and accession of Henry VII.